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Sudan's Hemedti consolidates power as RSF captures key Darfur stronghold
Mohamed Hamdan Dagolo, widely known as Hemedti, has solidified his dominance in Sudan after his paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF) seized el-Fasher, the last Sudanese army bastion in Darfur. The victory marks a turning point in the conflict, with the RSF now controlling roughly half the country, including most of the western region.
From camel trader to warlord
Born between 1974 and 1975 into the Mahariya clan of the Rizeigat-an Arabic-speaking, camel-herding community spanning Chad and Darfur-Hemedti's early life was marked by displacement. His family fled conflict in the 1970s-80s, settling in Darfur under Sudan's then-president, Omar al-Bashir. With little formal education, he turned to cross-desert camel trading, navigating Libya and Egypt's black markets.
By the 2000s, Darfur had become a battleground. Arab militias, including the Janjaweed-led by Hemedti's uncle, Juma Dagolo-targeted indigenous groups like the Fur, Masalit, and Zaghawa. When rebellion erupted in 2003, Bashir weaponized the Janjaweed as a counterinsurgency force. Hemedti's unit was implicated in the 2004 Adwa massacre, where 126 villagers, including 36 children, were killed. A later U.S. investigation labeled the Janjaweed's campaign genocide.
Ascent through violence and opportunism
Hemedti's rise mirrored Sudan's descent into chaos. After briefly mutinying for unpaid wages and promotions, he reinstated loyalty to Bashir-who rewarded him with control of Darfur's lucrative Jebel Amir gold mine. By 2013, Hemedti formalized the RSF, absorbing Janjaweed factions into a state-backed paramilitary. The force expanded into human trafficking along Libya's borders and, by 2015, deployed mercenaries to Yemen under a secret deal with Saudi Arabia and the UAE.
His alliance with the UAE's Mohamed bin Zayed proved pivotal. The RSF also partnered with Russia's Wagner Group, exchanging gold for military training. When Bashir faced mass protests in 2019, he relied on Hemedti's troops-dubbed himayti ("my protector")-to crush dissent. Instead, Hemedti joined generals in oustering Bashir, briefly positioning himself as a reformist before ordering the RSF to massacre protesters in Khartoum.
War and the path to el-Fasher
A 2021 coup with army chief Abdel Fattah al-Burhan collapsed into civil war by April 2023. The RSF's assault on Khartoum failed, but its campaign in Darfur escalated. Witnesses and the UN documented atrocities against the Masalit, with death tolls reaching 15,000. The U.S. labeled it genocide; Hemedti denied involvement.
Despite injuries early in the conflict, Hemedti regrouped. The RSF acquired UAE-supplied drones-denied by Abu Dhabi-enabling strikes on Port Sudan and the recent el-Fasher offensive. Investigations by the New York Times traced weapons shipments through a Chadian airstrip linked to the UAE. The RSF now controls nearly all territory west of the Nile.
Political ambitions and a fractured Sudan
Hemedti has forged alliances with former foes, including Nuba Mountains rebels, and declared a parallel "Government of Peace and Unity", chairing it himself. Analysts speculate he aims for either presidency, control of a breakaway state, or puppet-master status-wielding power through his corporate empire, mercenary army, and political networks.
Following el-Fasher's fall, he pledged investigations into alleged RSF abuses-amid global condemnation. Yet his forces continue to loot cities, with stolen goods sold in so-called "Dagolo markets" across Sudan and Chad. As Alex de Waal of Tufts University's World Peace Foundation notes, Hemedti operates with near-impunity, betting on international indifference.
"Supplies have stabilized, but conservation remains essential."
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