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Gaza's armed factions complicate peace plans as Israel backs militia groups
A network of armed groups-ranging from clan-based militias to criminal gangs-has emerged in Gaza over recent months, operating in areas now under Israeli control. Some receive covert backing from Israel, while others claim ties to the Palestinian Authority, raising questions about their role in post-war governance as US-led peace efforts unfold.
Fractured loyalties and foreign backing
At least 53% of Gaza's territory, currently held by Israeli forces, is now a patchwork of militia-controlled zones. Among the most prominent is the Popular Forces, led by Yasser Abu Shabab near Rafah, and the Counter-Terrorism Strike Force, headed by Hossam al-Astal in Khan Younis. Both groups have hinted at coordination with international actors tied to US President Donald Trump's proposed International Stabilisation Force, though Washington has yet to confirm their involvement.
Al-Astal, a former Palestinian Authority (PA) operative, told Israeli media this week that "US representatives" had assured his group a place in Gaza's future police structure-a claim a US official declined to verify. When pressed on Israeli support, al-Astal deflected: "It's not the right time for me to answer this question," but acknowledged "coordination with the Israeli side" for supplies, including weapons. "People all over the world are supporting us," he added, dismissing accusations of being an Israeli proxy.
Local resistance and civilian distrust
Al-Astal's encampment near Khan Younis-dubbed a "tent city"-has drawn dozens of families fleeing Hamas-controlled areas. Montaser Masoud, a 31-year-old father of four, crossed the ceasefire-demarcated Yellow Line two months ago with his family. "They [relatives still under Hamas] say what we're doing is wrong," he admitted, as gunfire from nearby Israeli troops interrupted the call. "But we're not the target."
Yet many Gazans view these militias with suspicion. Saleh Sweidan, a Gaza City resident, condemned them as "criminals with no religion, faith, or ethics." Zaher Doulah called their collaboration with Israel "the worst thing this war has produced-a great betrayal."
Israel's calculated gamble
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu publicly acknowledged Israel's covert support for such groups last month, framing it as a tactical move to "save soldiers' lives." Critics, however, warn of historical parallels. Michael Milshtein, former head of Palestinian affairs for Israeli military intelligence, compared the strategy to the US backing of Afghan mujahideen in the 1980s: "Israel is relying on groups with dubious pasts, hoping they'll offer an alternative to Hamas. But one day, they'll turn those rifles-supplied by Israel-against the IDF."
Reports link Abu Shabab's faction to looting aid convoys and alleged ties to Islamic State operatives. Netanyahu dismissed concerns, insisting disclosure of such support "only helps Hamas."
Peace plan limbo
The US proposal envisions a technocratic Palestinian committee overseeing Gaza temporarily, with international oversight, until PA reforms are complete. But Maj-Gen Anwar Rajab, a PA security spokesman, rejected claims that militia members would join Gaza's police. "Israel's demands don't benefit Palestinians," he said in Ramallah. "They want to maintain control by any means."
Analysts caution that arming local factions could undermine Hamas disarmament and complicate efforts to deploy international forces. Meanwhile, Gaza's new militias-like the Islamist group Israel once backed to counter Yasser Arafat-risk becoming the next generation of adversaries.
"We are the next day for the new Gaza. We have no problem cooperating with the Palestinian Authority, with the Americans, with anyone who aligns with us. We are the alternative to Hamas."
Hossam al-Astal, leader of the Counter-Terrorism Strike Force
